Transparency & Methodology
This page explains how our UK Security Threat Index (UK-STI) is calculated. The goal is transparency: the model is repeatable, auditable, and based on publicly available sources plus clearly stated rules.
The UK-STI produces two headline numbers for every country:
- ThreatScore (0–100): higher = greater threat to UK interests
- SecurityRating (0–100): higher = safer / lower threat
(SecurityRating = 100 − ThreatScore)
We also publish the component scores that sit underneath the headline rating.
What the index is (and what it isn’t)
What it is
A structured, open, country-by-country comparison that blends:
- Non-state risks (terrorism and instability)
- State capability risks (military capability)
- State posture risks (hostile intent and cyber actor status)
- Alliance alignment (NATO and Five Eyes offsets)
What it isn’t
- It is not a UK Government intelligence assessment.
- It does not use classified data.
- It does not predict specific incidents.
- It’s designed for screening, transparency, and consistent comparisons.
Data sources used
We use the most recent versions available at the time of update.
- Global Terrorism Index (GTI) — provides a country score (0–10) reflecting terrorism impact.
- Fragile States Index (FSI) — provides a country total (0–120) reflecting state fragility and instability.
- SIPRI Military Expenditure Database — provides military spending by country (current US$), used as a proxy for military capability.
- UK security posture anchors (public statements / frameworks) — used only to anchor Hostile Intent and Cyber tiers for specific states clearly identified in UK threat framing.
We keep a “Model” tab in the downloadable spreadsheet that lists the sources and the exact rules used.
Outputs
For each country we publish:
- HostileIntentScore (0–10)
- CyberScore (0–10)
- MilitaryScore (0–10)
- TerrorismScore (0–10)
- InstabilityScore (0–10)
- AllianceOffset (0–15 points)
- ThreatScore (0–100)
- SecurityRating (0–100)
The calculation
Step 1 — Component scores (0–10 each)
A) TerrorismScore (0–10)
Source: GTI score (already 0–10).
- If GTI score is missing, we set it to 0 for calculation purposes (i.e., no evidence in the GTI dataset).
(We prefer to be conservative and transparent rather than invent values.)
B) InstabilityScore (0–10)
Source: FSI total score (0–120), scaled to 0–10:
InstabilityScore = (FSI_Total ÷ 120) × 10
- If FSI total is missing, we fill it with the global median FSI score so the country remains in the table without artificially looking “perfect.”
C) MilitaryScore (0–10)
Source: SIPRI 2024 military expenditure (current US$).
Because military spend varies hugely, we use a log scale (so the USA doesn’t dwarf everyone else), then scale to 0–10:
- Compute: log10(spend + 1)
- Min–max scale across all countries to 0–10
This produces a comparable capability proxy, not an “intent” measure.
D) CyberScore (0–10)
Cyber is partly capability and partly posture. We use:
- A baseline derived from capability + instability
- Plus explicit anchored tiers for states widely identified as major state cyber actors in UK public threat framing
Baseline (for non-anchored countries):
- CyberScore = 2.0 + (0.4 × MilitaryScore) + (0.2 × InstabilityScore)
- Then capped to 0–10
Anchored examples (illustrative of the rules we publish in the Model tab):
- Russia = 10
- China = 9
- Iran = 8
- North Korea = 8
E) HostileIntentScore (0–10)
This score measures UK-directed hostile state intent, not military strength.
We set:
- A baseline of 1 (“neutral / no persistent hostile activity indicated in our anchors”)
- And use anchored tiers for states consistently treated as hostile in UK public threat framing.
Anchored examples (illustrative of the published rules):
- Russia = 10
- Iran = 9
- China = 7
- North Korea = 7
- Belarus = 6
- Syria = 5
Step 2 — Separate “capability” from “intent” for allies
A key design principle is that high capability does not equal hostile intent.
So for NATO and/or Five Eyes member states:
- HostileIntentScore is set to 0
This prevents powerful allies being incorrectly ranked as threats just because they have large militaries or advanced cyber capability.
Step 3 — Weighted ThreatScore (0–100)
We then combine the five 0–10 components using fixed weights:
- Hostile Intent: 30%
- Cyber: 20%
- Military capability: 20%
- Terrorism: 15%
- Instability: 15%
Formula:
ThreatScore_raw (0–100) = 10 × (0.30×H + 0.20×C + 0.20×M + 0.15×T + 0.15×I)
Where:
- H = HostileIntentScore (0–10)
- C = CyberScore (0–10)
- M = MilitaryScore (0–10)
- T = TerrorismScore (0–10)
- I = InstabilityScore (0–10)
Step 4 — AllianceOffset (0–15 points)
We apply an explicit alignment reduction so strong allies don’t appear as high threats due to capability:
- NATO member (excluding the UK): subtract 10 points
- Five Eyes member (excluding the UK): subtract 5 points
- Cap total offset at 15 points
ThreatScore = max(0, ThreatScore_raw − AllianceOffset)
Step 5 — SecurityRating (0–100)
SecurityRating = 100 − ThreatScore
Higher SecurityRating = safer / lower threat.
How to reproduce the index
If you want to independently reproduce the results:
- Download the latest GTI, FSI, and SIPRI datasets used in the current release.
- Normalise country names (e.g., “United States of America” and “United States” must map to the same key).
- Compute the component scores exactly as described above.
- Apply the weights.
- Apply the AllianceOffset.
- Sort by ThreatScore ascending (or SecurityRating descending).
We publish:
- The full ranked output table
- The component columns
- The “Model” tab showing weights and anchor rules
Interpreting the results
A country can score poorly for different reasons:
- High non-state risk: high Terrorism + high Instability
- High state capability risk: high MilitaryScore (log-scaled)
- High posture risk: high HostileIntent + high CyberScore
- Allied capability: may have high MilitaryScore but low HostileIntent and a strong AllianceOffset
This is intentional: the index tries to explain why a country is ranked where it is.
Limitations & fairness notes
- Open data only: we do not use classified sources.
- Country naming and data gaps: we keep countries in the list even if one dataset is missing, using conservative fill rules (documented above).
- Anchors are explicit: where we apply anchored tiers (cyber/hostile intent), the rules are published so they can be challenged and improved.
- This is not “country risk” for travel: it’s about security threat to UK interests, not tourist safety.
Update schedule & versioning
We regenerate the UK-STI on a scheduled basis (e.g., monthly), using the latest available published datasets at that time.
Each published output includes:
- Generation date
- Dataset versions (where available)
- A change log if any weights/rules/anchors change
Contact / feedback
If you believe a country’s score is incorrect, or you want an alternative weighting profile (e.g., finance-heavy, defence-heavy, CNI-heavy), contact us with:
- The country name
- The component(s) you dispute
- Any public evidence you believe should change the anchored tiers or the fill rules
We review suggested changes and, where accepted, publish them transparently with version notes.
If you want, I can also format this into:
- a clean Gutenberg block layout (with callouts and summary boxes), or
- a printable PDF “Methodology Note” to sit alongside the spreadsheet downloads.
